Dave Niose

Dave Niose
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Massachusetts,
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August 20
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Attorney; President of the American Humanist Association, the USA's oldest and largest humanist organization.

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SEPTEMBER 2, 2009 10:06PM

Comments on Marx, human exceptionalism & economic causation

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             In his materialist conception of history Karl Marx saw economic factors as the central, driving force that shaped society.  He dismissed as “idealistic humbug” the notion that political and economic organization are shaped by ideas, instead arguing the reverse, that ideas and consciousness develop from the existing material conditions of a given society. In his Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy, for example, Marx writes:

 “The mode of production of material life determines the social, political and intellectual life process in general. It is not the consciousness of men that determines their being, but, on the contrary, their social being that determines their consciousness.”

Hence, Marx points out that any given society’s political organization, social structure, religion, laws, and intellectual activity are driven by its existing material conditions, its modes of production, its economic organization.  This was a break from most traditional views of history, which tended to see human development as a long story of events shaped by important men and great ideas. Thus, in The German Ideology, Volume 1, Marx writes:

 “Already here we see . . . how nonsensical is the conception of history held hitherto, which neglects the real (material and economic) relationships and confines itself to the high-sounding dramas of princes and states.”

            Marx’s insistence on analyzing history from a naturalistic standpoint was intellectually honest, as was his steadfast effort to consider human experience in its true, scientific totality.  Thus it is refreshing indeed when he embarks on his discussion of his materialist conception of history with these words:

“The premises from which we begin are not arbitrary ones, not dogmas, but real premises from which abstractions can only be made in the imagination. . . These premises can thus be verified in a purely empirical way.”

It is clear that Marx starts, appropriately, at the beginning when he continues:

"The first premise of all human history is, of course, the existence of living human individuals.  Thus the first fact to be established is the physical organization of these individuals and their consequent relation with the rest of nature.”

Indeed, a naturalistic view of humanity would seem essential to any accurate understanding of history.  If one documents human events but views those events through the lenses of ingrained prejudices or false theology, one is likely to reach defective conclusions in interpreting history. It is common, for example, for a dominant society to view history as doing little more than legitimizing and proving that society’s own greatness. Such historical interpretations can be found in texts confirming the exceptionalism of the Roman, British, and American empires in their heydays (the latter still ongoing), to name just a few obvious examples.  Moreover, those chained to religious dogma are also likely to interpret all of history as validating the prophecies and holy texts of their theology, giving particular emphasis to people and events that are consistent with such views while being dismissive to opposing critiques and views.

        This makes Marx’s analysis especially welcome and refreshing, for it attempts to set aside all such prejudices in an effort to objectively and scientifically assess the history of human events.  When one fairly considers Marx, however, one quickly sees the difficulty of the naturalistic task that Marx set out to accomplish.  For even though Marx attempts to analyze history from a naturalistic viewpoint, he falls into several traps that reveal shortcomings in his analysis. 

One such shortcoming is Marx’s tendency toward what might be called “human exceptionalism.”  That is, any naturalistic consideration of human history would necessarily require a thorough analysis of the first fundamental fact about human existence – the fact that humans are animals.  As an animal species humans are defined by their biological characterizations, and any understanding of the human condition, including its history, starts with an understanding of the biological reality of human existence.  This biological reality is not just the physical reality of needing food, water and shelter, but also the biological reality of having a brain, and therefore a mind and psyche, that has developed via natural selection.  Thus the human animal, in even the strictest materialist analysis, carries with it psychological traits (the fight-or-flight instinct, the tendencies toward anxiety and depression, the craving for food and comfort beyond what is rationally needed, etc.) that have somehow had survival value for hundreds of thousands of years.  Marx, to his credit, attempts to incorporate natural humanity into his analysis, but for the most part he does little more than allude to the primitive, underlying biological nature of humans without incorporating a thorough commentary on that nature into his analysis.

In fact, any fair assessment would conclude that Marx actually downplays the animal nature of humanity, for when discussing the subject he falls into the common trap of quickly embarking on a discussion of what sets humans apart from other animals.  This is what I mean when I refer to the “human exceptionalism” – Marx does not wish to thoroughly consider how humans and other animals are alike, but rather he immediately wants to discuss what is unique about the human animal.  Thus, early in his materialist conception of history, we find Marx saying: 

“Men can be distinguished from animals by consciousness, by religion or anything else you like.  They themselves begin to distinguish themselves from animals as soon as they begin to produce their means of subsistence, a stop which is conditioned by their physical organization.  By producing their means of subsistence men are indirectly producing their actual material life.”

Note first of all that the paradigm of human exceptionalism is clearly cemented into Marx’s mind, as is evidenced by his reference to humans being distinguished “from animals” (whereas “from other animals” would be more accurate). 

This quibble, however, is less important than the fact that Marx ignores 95 percent of human history when he refers to humans as “producing their means of subsistence,” when in fact humans have done so only very recently.  Homo sapiens have existed for at least 200,000 years and have spent the vast majority of that time hunting and gathering like other animals, discovering agriculture only in the last few thousand years. (And this doesn’t even consider the millions of years of pre-human history that our earlier ancestors, with their pre-human genes that we inherited, roamed the planet.)  Marx never mentions such facts, instead only occasionally alluding to primitive existence and tribal ownership. Showing his preference to deal with civilized humanity, rather than the natural human condition that gave rise to civilization, Marx focuses his analysis on “the relations of different nations” and similar commentary that, while insightful in its own sense, overlooks the animalistic realities underlying most of human history.

Fair consideration of the human animal as an animal, with its accompanying biological and psychological realities and the empirical realities that are incidental thereto, would no doubt lead one to question some aspects of Marx’s analysis.  For example, if we return to the fundamental principle put forward by Marx, that the material mode of production (i.e. economic organization) defines consciousness, thereby determining political and social organization, we might reconsider the precision of such a notion if we concede that consciousness is inevitably shaped also by complex evolutionary factors.  While surely economic factors weigh heavily in shaping modern human consciousness, in defining how and what the human animal thinks as well as how the animal organizes itself politically and socially, one cannot deny that economic factors do not act alone.  The insistence on consciousness being driven by a straight causal economic train makes Marx vulnerable to criticism.

It would almost seem absurd to suggest that Marx oversimplified anything, as he demonstrated in his writings time and again an eagerness to delve into complexity, but an argument can be made that his insistence on straight-line causation, placing the mode of production as the driving factor in shaping consciousness, was in fact flawed in its simplicity.  Consciousness, and the political, social, legal and religious structures that flow from it, are certainly shaped in large part by economic factors, but surely the true picture of causation would show a complex web, not a straight chain.  Consciousness, manifested sometimes by irrational impulses and desires, for example, does indeed shape economic realities, as we see time again when citizens demonstrate a willingness to sacrifice their economic interests on perceived moral or social grounds, or when they act irrationally as consumers in misusing credit or purchasing goods they don’t need.  To the extent human behavior is driven by irrationality, and I would argue that is a large extent indeed, we see consciousness not just as a caused phenomenon, but as a causal agent.  This statement is not intended as a comprehensive explanation of the causation issue, but one example of the innumerable complexities that Marx often seems to dismiss. 

And if Marx’s error of human exceptionalism led to an oversimplification of the causation issue, one could reasonably ponder whether similar arguments can be found with his emphasis on class conflict as the defining paradigm of historical change.  Is class antagonism the obstacle to a more harmonious, just society, or is it merely one aspect of the puzzle? Perhaps even merely one manifestation of more complex factors preceding it?  In short, it seems that we can question whether Marx’s materialism and his particular naturalistic views on history fully and adequately explain the human animal and its troubled condition. The problem isn’t the naturalistic view itself, but Marx’s subjective interpretation of nature, consciousness, and the human condition, which would seem sometimes unsupported by scientific, empirical evidence.

A more accurate analysis, it seems, would give more weight to the fact that humans are an animal that is not so exceptional, recognizing that so-called “civilization” is a condition that is very new to this animal and its fragile psyche.  For most of our history we have roamed the planet like other mammals, traveling in expanded family groups and eating what we can kill or find.  We are an animal whose environment, only in the last few thousand years, a sliver of time, has been completely changed, and in just the last few generations has changed even more, and now we must adjust ourselves to our new conditions or, in the alternative, destroy ourselves and much of the rest of the planet. Are there economic factors at work here?  Of course there are, but to view this situation from a strict economic viewpoint is to miss the bigger picture.  Surely the general goals of cooperation, justice, and social democracy will be more attainable via this wider view of naturalism.

 

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To some extent, Dave's reading of Marx corresponds to the reading that the late Canadian/British political philosopher G.A. Cohen gave of Marx in his 1978 book, "Karl Marx's Theory of History: A Defence." (I explained a little bit about his work in a short obit that I wrote for Cohen in MRZine, see: (http://www.monthlyreview.org/mrzine/farmelant080809.html).

Cohen in that book, making adroit use of the techniques of the tools of analytical philosophy, developed a reconstruction of Marx's materialist conception of history that was both brilliant in its execution, but also at the same time represented a one-sided reading of Marx. He like Dave. tended to read Marx as a rather straight forward economic, and technological determinist. Such a reading IMO fails to do justice to the richness and complexity of Marx's work. Marx knew full well that one cannot reduce the workings of human history to a simple formula. G.A. Cohen realized the inadequacies of this version of historical materialism, but instead of opting for a different interpretation of historical materialism, he was inclined to be dismissive of historical materialism altogether.

Curiously enough, other writers, operating more or less in the tradition of Analytical Marxism, have developed alternative interpretations of historical materialism that in my judgment do more justice to both Marx's work and the complexities of history. Thus, Richard W. Miller, in his unjustly neglected book, "Analyzing Marx: Morality, Power and History" ( Princeton University Press, 1984), offered what he called a "mode of production" interpretation of historical materialism as an alternative to Cohen's reading of Marx. Whereas, Cohen tended to place his explanatory emphasis on the development of the forces of production and the emergence of contradictions between them and the social relations of production, Miller tended to emphasize the role of class struggles as an independent factor in the making of history. Miller also argued that the social relations of production can develop internal contradictions independently of the contradictions between the forces of production and the relations of production, which Cohen had emphasized.

Another alternative interpretation of the materialist conception of history has been developed by the British sociologist Alan Carling who applies a quasi-Darwinian selectionist explanatory model to historical materialism.

In Carling's version of historical materialism, different modes of production are seen as existing in competition both with one another and with nature. The system that can foster the development of the forces of production at best at a given historical moment is the one likely to prevail in the struggle for survival between rival regimes of production. In this scheme, class struggle figures into it because it is class struggles that generate new variations in the social relations of production, upon which social selection can operate. It should be evident, that this interpretation of historical materialism is analogous to Darwin's theory of evolution by natural selection.

Now Dave made another point in his post. He see's Marx's theory as overemphasizing the man's distinctiveness from the other animals. He accuses Marx of "human exceptionalism." Certainly, in one sense at least, Marx's "human exceptionalism" was well placed. Man, whether we like it or not, is the one species that has proven capable of radically changing his natural environment, often in ways that are not necessarily in the long term best interest of either himself or of the other animals. Marx was IMO quite justified in emphasizing this specifically human capacity. On the other hand, there does seem to be some justice in Dave's complaint that Marx often tended to analyze human history apart from the rest of nature. While he often formally acknowledged that one cannot really understand man apart from nature. He did, nevertheless, often analyzed history in just that manner. At least some later Marxists have attempted to compensate for this deficiency. The Italian Marxist writer Sebastiano Timpanaro in his book, "On Materialism" (Verso), argued that Marx's materialism was not only a scientific materialism but also a "biological materialism." That man had to be understood as being fundamentally a biological organism. More recently, some Marxist writers like John Foster Bellamy of Montly Review magazine have attempted to integrate Marxism with ecological perspectives on human existence.
Thanks for your feedback, Jim. Very interesting and helpful. I want to expand on just one point that you made, and that is the notion that, in one sense at least, Marx's emphasis on human exceptionalism is well placed. I would agree that humans are unique, most obviously in our relatively recent mastery of technology, but I would also argue, importantly, that this uniqueness is one incidental aspect of our humanity, not something that must define us. Just because this characteristic is unique and important, it does not follow that all analysis of the human condition must necessarily focus primarily on that singular uniqueness. Our characteristics that are not so unique - including most of our physical characteristics and many of our mental impulses and characteristics - are just as important in understanding our condition and interpreting our history.

Moreover, I would argue that many of our unique characteristics are merely matters of degree. Thus, while we are the most intelligent animal, other animals of course also exhibit intelligence. And while we are capable of radically changing our environment, other animals (from beavers to chimps) can do so as well, just to a lesser degree. All of this is to simply emphasize the point that Marx, despite his claims to the contrary, too often viewed humanity as being exceptional, apart from nature, when in fact the human condition is better understood from a truly naturalistic viewpoint. In Marx's defense, I would point out the scientific limitations of his time, but that doesn't make the criticism any less on point.
This is a fascinating article that taught me a lot and also addressed some of the problems I have with Marx in a way I have never been able to articulate. Yes, "human exceptionalism" is a good way of summing up his limitations. Of course, Marx lived long before Einstein, Freud, and all the other theorists and scientists who have continued to shape our view of humankind's place in the grand scheme of things, but his correction to the "great men, great ideas" notion of history (which is alive and well in the US) is extremely refreshing.

I see the deeper problem with Marx in the way his analysis of the way society works is brilliant, but his prescription for the cure (i.e. the political component) is dangerously unhinged (e.g. "establishment of industrial armies, especially for agriculture," "dictatorship of the proletariat," etc.). However subtle Marx's own thinking may have been, once you elevate such a foreshortened understanding of human nature and human relations to the level of state doctrine, disaster is inevitable.